Somalia’s long-awaited entry into the East African Community (EAC), which is a diplomatic prize 15 years in the making; now looks less like a triumph and more like a textbook case of missed opportunity, thanks to the Federal Government’s glaring lack of transparency.
The promises of regional integration, once a beacon of hope for a nation grappling with decades of instability, are flickering, leaving qualified Somali citizens and the country’s influence in the bloc in limbo.
After a vigorous push spearheaded by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration, Somalia officially became a full EAC member on March 4, 2024.
This historic accession came with tangible benefits: the right to send nine members to the East African Parliament and, crucially, entitlement to one of the eight most senior positions within the EAC’s governance structure, including the Secretary-General, deputies, the Speaker of Parliament, or a judge on the Court of Appeal. These are not mere ceremonial roles; they represent real political participation and influence within the bloc’s legislative, executive, and judicial arms.
Yet, despite these hard-won gains, independent investigations by Somali Stream reveal a baffling truth: Somalia has been remarkably reluctant to fill these key positions.
While other member states are actively enjoying their privileges and shaping EAC policy, Somalia’s seats remain conspicuously empty. This unforced error, a significant setback to the nation’s budding influence, is being squarely blamed on the Federal Government, particularly the Presidency.
Sources indicate that the primary roadblock is the delayed submission of Somalia’s list of EAC Parliamentarians. This list was supposed to be presented to the House of People in a transparent process, with multiple candidates vying for each seat, ensuring proper scrutiny and approval. Over a year later, there’s no sign it will ever see the light of day in the House of the People, given the country’s fraught political climate as the sun sets on Hassan Sheikh’s administration.
The question then begs: Why did the Somali government exert such effort, pay the required $3.5 million initial membership fee, only to spectacularly fail in capitalizing on the political, economic, and social opportunities that membership offers? There has been no compelling answer to this glaring inconsistency.
Somali citizens, among the most mobile communities in East Africa, had harbored genuine hopes that EAC membership would ease travel restrictions and foster greater economic cooperation.
The government itself trumpeted trade, people-to-people exchanges, and economic alignment as primary motivators for joining. Yet, more than a year into its membership, Somali passport holders still don’t enjoy the same travel rights as other EAC member states.
The sting is sharper considering Somalia and Libya are the only African countries still requiring a visa to enter Kenya, an additional burden for ordinary citizens and businesses alike-yet Mogadishu is less than 2 hours flight from Nairobi.
In essence, Somalia has paid its dues but remains largely sidelined from the very benefits it sought. The lack of participation and access to crucial political and administrative roles across the EAC’s executive, legislative, and judicial branches points to a single, frustrating culprit: the Federal Government’s lack of transparency, actively delaying Somalia’s ability to seize the “golden opportunity” that was once within its grasp. It seems the “political train” has left the station, but Somalia’s government appears to have forgotten to buy a ticket for its own people.